為了幫助廣大考生順利通過口譯筆譯考試，幫考網為大家分享了一些口譯筆譯相關內容，希望大家每天堅持練習，積極備考。

These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.

這些設想都是錯誤的。在2009年，一個強國不是靠控制或妖魔化其他國家顯示實力。帝國可以將主權國家當棋盤上的棋子擺布的時代已經結束。如我在開羅所說，鑒于我們的獨立，任何世界秩序——鑒于我們的相互依存，任何企圖使一個國家或一個群體凌駕于另一個國家或另一群體之上的世界秩序必將失敗。尋求實力不再是零和游戲——進步必須共享。

That‘s why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I‘ve had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.

這就是我呼吁“重啟”美俄關系的理由所在。這決不能僅限于克林姆林宮與白宮關系的新開端——盡管這一點很重要，我與貴國總統和總理分別就此舉行了極好的討論。這必須是美俄兩國人民的持久努力，以明確雙方的共同利益，擴大對話與合作，從而為取得進步鋪平道路。

This will not be easy. It‘s difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it‘s hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation.  It is not for me to define Russia‘s national interests, but I can tell you about America‘s national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.

這不是容易辦到的事。對于以往相互抗衡的對手而言，相互建立持久的伙伴關系有很大的困難，改變我們的政府和官僚機構數十年來形成的根深蒂固的習慣勢力，任務也十分艱巨。但我相信在決定本世紀走向的基本問題上，美國人民與俄羅斯人民擁有共同的利益，從而提供了合作的基礎。俄羅斯的國家利益用不著我來闡釋，但我可以告訴你們，美國的國家利益是什么。我相信你們會發現我們擁有共同的基點。

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.

首先，逆轉核武器擴散的趨勢，防止核武器的使用，是美國的利益所在。

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don‘t have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.

上一個世紀，美國和俄羅斯的幾代人繼承了可以毀滅其他國家的力量，同時也認識到使用這種力量也會造成自身的毀滅。2009年，我們傳承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出這樣的問題：美國和俄羅斯領導人是否將奉行恐怖的均勢──我們了解，我們兩國之間發生任何戰爭，都將產生悲慘的結局。但我們確實有必要問這樣一個問題：我們有必要問一問，在紐約和莫斯科殺害無辜平民的極端主義分子會不會表現同樣的克制。我們有必要問一問，10個、20個，或者50個有核武裝的國家是否會保障本國核武庫的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we‘ve already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?

這就是21世紀核挑戰的核心問題。認為擁有這些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或認為一旦確認和鑒別哪些國家可以擁有這些核武器，我們就能保護自己，都不切實際的幻想。在冷戰結束后的短時期內，我們已經看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韓進行了核試驗。如果不發生根本性的變化，我們中間有誰真正相信今后20年不會出現核武器的進一步擴散？

That‘s why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world‘s two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won‘t be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.

正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴散，最終爭取實現全世界不存在核武器的目標。這與我們在《不擴散核武器條約》中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔的責任。盡管我知道這個目標不可能很快實現，但爭取實現這個目標可以為防止核武器擴散并避免其實際使用提供法律和道義的基礎。

We‘re already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.

我們已經為奠定這個基礎邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統和我為兩國談判達成一項新的條約取得了進展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運載系統的數量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據《不擴散核武器條約》履行其職責的國家都有權獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達到在四年內保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標至關重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That‘s why we should be united in opposing North Korea‘s efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran‘s efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I‘m pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.

在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負責。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統和我同意對彈道導彈問題──21世紀彈道導彈構成的挑戰，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯合進行威脅評估。

This is not about singling out individual nations -- it‘s about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.

此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴散核武器條約》和聯合國安理會的信譽就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格表示，規則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I‘ve made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran‘s nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.

成功地執行這些規則有助于消除產生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導彈防御系統的計劃。為了加強美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關。事實上，我希望與俄羅斯在導彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導彈防御系統的驅動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。

Now, in addition to securing the world‘s most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.

除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰勝暴力極端主義分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They‘re plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

多年來，"基地"組織及其附庸褻瀆了一個代表和平與正義的偉大宗教，殘酷無情地殺害各種國籍和各種信仰的男子、婦女和兒童。尤其值得注意的是，他們甚至也殺害穆斯林。這些極端主義分子在安曼和巴厘島殺人；在伊斯蘭堡和喀布爾殺人；他們的手上也沾滿美國人和俄羅斯人的血。他們正在密謀殺害我們更多的人民，他們得到一些安全庇護所，在那里進行訓練和活動──特別是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區。

And that‘s why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. And that‘s why I‘m pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It‘s time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.

正是因為如此，美國有一個明確的目標：瓦解、搗毀和擊敗“基地”組織及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我們不謀求建立基地，也不希望控制這些國家。相反，我們希望與國際夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄羅斯，幫助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促進其安全與繁榮。正是因為這個原因，我對俄羅斯允許美國經貴國領土為我們的盟軍運送物資感到高興。無論美國還是俄羅斯，均不希望看到塔利班統治阿富汗或巴基斯坦?，F在，我們應該為實現另一種前途攜手努力:我們不再進行以往的大規模競賽，同時努力解決當前的沖突，讓我們都為中亞的安全做貢獻。

Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We‘re pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We‘re partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together.

現在，在阿富汗之外，美國還致力于爭取更多的機會孤立極端主義分子。我們正在幫助伊拉克人民建設更美好的未來，將伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我們正在尋求實現以色列和巴勒斯坦兩個國家在和平與安全的環境中共存的目標。我們正在與世界各地的穆斯林進行伙伴合作，以推進教育、衛生和經濟發展。在每一項努力中，我相信俄羅斯人民都與我們有共同的目標，并將從成功中獲益──為此，我們需要結成伙伴關系。

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America‘s interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.

現在，除了這些安全問題之外，我將談論的第三方面的問題是美國對全球繁榮的關注。今天有如此眾多的經濟學家和未來的工商界人士在場，我知道這是你們很關心的問題。

We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.

我們在此會見，正值全球陷入這一代人最嚴重的衰退。我認為，自由市場眾所周知是創造和分配全球財富的最強大的力量。但是，無論在什么地方，如果市場不受任何約束──因承擔過度的風險，缺乏監管或腐敗──那么一切都會受到威脅，不論我們居住在密西西比河流域，還是伏爾加河畔。

In America, we‘re now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.

在美國，我們現在正在采取前所未有的步驟，刺激經濟回升，改革我們的監管體制。但是，如同沒有任何國家能夠在全球危機中獨善其身一樣，沒有任何國家能夠單獨成為全球發展的動力。你們看，你們生活中發生了某種根本性的變化。雖然這場危機顯示出變化帶來的風險，但是機會遠大于風險。

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